Aggregate Supply
~40 min · WEC12 · 2.3.3
WEC12 · 2.3.3 · 40 min
An economy's curve is drawn as either a vertical line or a three-part elbow — and which shape is correct isn't a drawing convention, it's a direct consequence of whether wages and prices are flexible enough to clear a market that still has sitting in it.
Key terms in this lesson
Before you read on
Two or three questions on exactly what this lesson teaches. Being wrong here is fine — it's the fastest way to find out what to pay attention to next.
One curve, two genuinely different questions
(AS) is the total quantity of goods and services all producers in an economy are willing and able to supply at a given price level, over a given time period — the mirror image of aggregate demand, and together the two form the whole macroeconomic equilibrium diagram. Like every supply-and-demand model on this course, a change in the economy's own price level causes a a fixed AS curve; a change in anything else — costs, capacity, technology — causes a of the whole curve to a new position. The spec splits AS into two genuinely different curves, not two versions of the same one: (SRAS), which responds to costs the economy is currently stuck with, and (LRAS), which responds only to the economy's underlying productive capacity. Confirmed directly in examiner reports checked for this course: confusing which curve a question is asking about — or drawing the right curve and simply labelling it wrong — is one of the most consistently lost sets of marks on this entire diagram.
SRAS is upward-sloping: at a higher price level, firms supply more output, because in the short run at least one major cost — usually wages, fixed by an existing contract — hasn't caught up yet (the mechanism block below derives exactly why). The spec names three influences that shift SRAS, and all three work the same way: they change the cost of producing a given unit of output, at every price level, without changing the economy's underlying capacity to produce at all. A rise in raw material or energy costs (an oil-price shock is the standard real-world exam context) raises unit costs directly, shifting SRAS left — and a fall in raw-material or energy costs (2018's oil-price fall, tested directly as a WEC12 Section B diagram question, is the standard example) shifts SRAS right, the exact reverse. A depreciation of the exchange rate raises the domestic-currency cost of any imported input, which shifts SRAS left for an economy that depends on imports — and does the exact opposite on an appreciation. A rise in the tax rate on production (or on the inputs firms buy) raises unit cost the same way a raw-material price rise does; a tax cut works in reverse — and it's worth flagging early that 'tax' shows up again under LRAS below, through a completely different mechanism (see the trap below).
LRAS asks a different question entirely: not 'what will firms supply at this price level given today's costs', but 'what CAN the economy produce once every cost, including wages, has had time to fully adjust'. Two models give two different answers to what that curve looks like, and the difference is the conceptual centre of this lesson: the classical model draws LRAS as a single vertical line at the economy's , completely unaffected by the price level; the Keynesian model draws it as three joined sections — flat, then upward-sloping, then vertical — because it assumes an economy can genuinely sit below potential output for a sustained period, with real that the classical model assumes gets bid away almost immediately. Both shapes are accepted on this paper — which one to draw is a modelling assumption to state explicitly, not a fact to memorise as universally 'correct'.
Because LRAS represents capacity rather than cost, only a change to the economy's actual productive potential shifts it — and the spec names six sources, all genuinely different from SRAS's three: technology (a new production method raises output from the same inputs), productivity (more output per worker or per unit of capital, whatever the underlying cause), education and skills (a more capable workforce produces more from the same headcount), government regulation and tax (deregulation and investment-focused tax changes can raise the economy's actual capacity to produce, not just the incentive to produce more of today's output), demography and net migration (a larger working-age population is a literal increase in the labour input available), and competition policy (breaking up an inefficient monopoly forces it to face rivals again, which can reduce — the waste that builds up when a firm insulated from competition operates above its true minimum-cost curve instead of being disciplined into it — and raise the economy's output at every price level, not just redistribute who earns it). None of these six changes what firms are willing to supply at today's cost structure — they change what the economy is capable of producing at all, which is exactly why they shift LRAS and not SRAS. Net migration is worth flagging as the one influence on this list whose SIGN genuinely changes which way it shifts the curve, not just how far: net migration itself is immigration minus emigration, so a sustained rise — working-age migrants joining the labour force — is a literal increase in the labour input available and shifts LRAS right, exactly as above, while a sustained fall (net emigration, and especially the loss of already-skilled workers) is a literal fall in that same input and can drag down average productivity too, shifting LRAS left with no change at all to raw-material costs, exchange rates, or tax rates. A real mark scheme rewards precisely this second, decreasing direction: for a country whose net migration swung from positive to sharply negative, analysis credit was available for "reduction in productive capacity/fall in factors of production" and, as a distinct second point, "if skilled labour leaves, productivity may fall" (January 2020 MS, Q7) — and the paired examiner report is explicit that describing migration's effects on the economy in general, without ever stating what happens to the LRAS curve itself, earned no analysis credit at all, however accurate that general discussion was (January 2020 ER, Q7). (This is spec point 2.3.3.3's own named list of LRAS shifters — a different spec point, asking a different question, from 2.3.5's five named causes of potential growth, covered in full in the dedicated Growth Theory and Output Gaps lesson: investment/FDI, innovation, labour force growth/migration, competition, and productivity. The two lists don't map one-to-one — investment doesn't get its own named entry here, and technology, education/skills and regulation/tax don't get their own named entry there — because 'what shifts LRAS' and 'what causes potential growth' are the same underlying economics described from two different spec points, not two competing attempts at one list that happen to disagree.)
Mechanism
Why SRAS slopes upward: costs lag behind price
Start from a firm that has already signed wage contracts for the coming period — a standard short-run assumption, not a special case. If the general price level rises, the price the firm can charge for its output rises with it, but the wage it pays its existing workforce does not — it's fixed by the contract already in force. Revenue per unit rises while cost per unit stays the same, so profit per unit rises. A firm chasing profit responds to a wider margin by producing more: overtime, temporary staff at the going wage, or simply running existing capacity harder. That's the entire mechanism behind SRAS's upward slope — not 'more output somehow just happens at higher prices', but a specific, temporary profit incentive created by a real gap between how fast output prices move and how fast wage costs move. Because that gap is specifically a short-run phenomenon — wage contracts eventually expire and get renegotiated at whatever the new price level actually is — the incentive is self-cancelling over time, which is exactly the fact the next mechanism block builds on.
Mechanism
Why classical LRAS is vertical and Keynesian LRAS has an elbow — the same question, two different assumptions
Both models are answering the same question with the previous mechanism's ending fully played out: once wage contracts have had time to renegotiate, what happens to output? The classical model assumes wages and prices are fully flexible in both directions, with nothing obstructing that adjustment. If a higher price level had temporarily pulled output above the workforce's normal, sustainable effort (via the SRAS mechanism above), workers on renegotiated contracts simply demand — and get — a matching wage rise, restoring their real wage and erasing the firm's temporary profit incentive; output falls back to whatever level the economy's actual resources (labour, capital, technology) can sustainably support, regardless of what the price level ended up being. Run that logic at any price level and the answer is the same every time: the vertical line at potential output IS the classical LRAS curve, because the model contains no mechanism by which the price level could pin output anywhere else once wages have adjusted.
The Keynesian model changes exactly one assumption: wages are not fully flexible, especially downward — a worker whose nominal wage is cut resists it, even when an equivalent real-terms cut delivered quietly through inflation would be accepted without the same resistance. That single change has a large consequence: if an economy is currently producing well below its potential output, there is genuine spare capacity sitting idle — unemployed workers willing to work at the going wage, machinery running under capacity — and a firm expanding into that idle capacity doesn't need to bid wages up to attract workers at all, because a pool of willing labour is already sitting unused. Output can rise substantially with next to no upward pressure on the price level, which is exactly why the Keynesian LRAS curve is drawn flat across this range, not sloping upward the way SRAS does. As output keeps rising and spare capacity starts running out, firms increasingly do have to compete for the remaining workers and inputs, bidding costs — and therefore the price level — up as they go: the curve turns upward. Once every last unit of spare capacity is used up, at potential output, physical reality takes over regardless of which model you started from — output cannot exceed what the economy's resources allow, full stop — so the Keynesian curve becomes vertical too, meeting the classical answer exactly where the classical curve has sat the whole time. The two models don't actually disagree about where potential output IS; they disagree about whether an economy can get stuck below it, which is a genuinely different, testable claim about how fast wages adjust in the real world — not a difference in taste.
Mark-scheme shorthand used in the "earns" lines below and later in this lesson: K tracks the Knowledge component of KAA (a correctly stated fact), An1/An2 track the Analysis component (each number marking one further inferential step built on the one before, not two separate skills), and Eval tracks Evaluation (a judgement that follows from, and is conditional on, the analysis above it) — Pearson IAL Economics's own real structure for marking extended writing on this paper, a combined Knowledge/Application/Analysis (KAA) band plus a separate Evaluation band, not an AO1/AO2/AO3/AO4 split; this paper's real mark schemes and examiner reports never label individual marks by 'AO' at all. Applied here to a chain of reasoning rather than free prose.
Worked, in full
Deriving why the SRAS-to-LRAS adjustment always lands back at potential output, whatever the price level
- 01
Start from a specific price-level rise that has pulled the economy above its normal sustainable output via the SRAS mechanism: firms are producing above potential output because a temporarily fixed wage means revenue per unit currently exceeds cost per unit by more than usual.
Earns: K — the starting scenario stated explicitly as a consequence of the SRAS mechanism, not asserted as a generic 'boom'.
- 02
A workforce producing above its normal sustainable effort — overtime, temporary staff, machinery run harder than usual — has, by definition, just experienced a fall in its real wage: nominal pay is unchanged, but the price level (and so the cost of what that pay buys) has risen. When the contract comes up for renewal, there is a specific, measurable grievance to bargain over.
Earns: An1 — the real-wage fall derived from the SRAS scenario itself, not introduced as a separate fact.
- 03
If wages are flexible (the classical assumption), the renegotiated wage rises to restore the real wage — nominal pay rises roughly in line with the price level that already rose. Unit labour cost, which had briefly lagged behind price, catches back up, and the firm's temporary profit incentive to overproduce disappears exactly because the gap it depended on has closed.
Earns: An2 — the mechanism that closes the gap named precisely (wage catch-up), not just asserted as 'the economy adjusts'.
- 04
Notice what this argument does not depend on: it never assumed a specific price level, a specific starting output, or a specific size of the original shock. Wage flexibility closes the SRAS-to-LRAS gap at every price level equally — which is precisely why the resulting LRAS curve is vertical rather than merely 'usually pretty steep': verticality isn't observed, it's forced by the argument holding at every point on the price axis simultaneously.
Earns: Eval — the diagram's shape shown to be a forced consequence of the argument holding universally, not a separate empirical claim about what LRAS curves 'tend to' look like.
x-axis: Real output (real GDP), Y · y-axis: Price level
- SRAS
- Upward sloping — a higher price level pulls out more output while wage costs are temporarily fixed, exactly the mechanism derived above.
- Classical LRAS
- A single vertical line at potential output (Yfe) — drawn when the question specifies or implies full wage/price flexibility; completely unresponsive to the price level.
- Keynesian LRAS
- Flat at low output (spare capacity absorbs extra output with no price-level pressure), curving upward as spare capacity runs out, then vertical at the same potential output (Yfe) the classical line sits at — drawn as an alternative to, not alongside, the classical line, since the two represent different assumptions about the same economy.
- Yfe (potential output)
- Where both models' vertical sections sit — the models disagree about the shape approaching it, not about its location.
- Spare-capacity range
- The flat section belongs to the Keynesian curve only — the classical model has no equivalent, because it assumes the economy never sits here for long.
Common error: Labelling the y-axis 'Price' or 'Price of oil' instead of 'Price level', or using product-market-style axis labels on this macroeconomic diagram.
Correct: Y-axis labelled exactly 'Price level'; x-axis labelled 'Real output' or 'Real GDP' — a specific, examiner-confirmed labelling error, not a generalisation.
examiner-report · October 2020 · Q10
In your own words
In one sentence: why does the Keynesian LRAS curve become vertical at exactly the same output level the classical LRAS curve sits at, even though the two models disagree everywhere else?
Complete it yourself
Complete the chain — deriving the Keynesian LRAS's flat section
- 01
An economy is currently producing well below its potential output — there is genuine spare capacity: unemployed workers willing to work at the going wage, and machinery running under its full capacity.
- 02
A rise in aggregate demand pulls firms to expand output to meet it.
Named traps
- draw-the-curve-asked-for-and-label-it-correctly
- Confirmed across at least four series, and confirmed separately as its own distinct error: candidates draw the wrong-run curve, draw both SRAS and LRAS when only one was specifically asked for, or draw the correct curve and simply give it the wrong name — one report notes directly, "A few drew the SRAS and labelled it LRAS" (the same report confirms both classical and Keynesian LRAS shapes are accepted, so the risk isn't picking the 'wrong' shape, it's mislabelling a correctly-drawn one). The hardest version of this is the combined SRAS/AD/LRAS diagram used for output-gap questions: "Only a few candidates did this correctly" — most missed positioning LRAS correctly relative to the short-run equilibrium, and failed to label both the short-run equilibrium and the full-employment (potential) output level. The rule covering all three failure modes: draw exactly the curve named in the question, check which model (classical or Keynesian) it implies before choosing an LRAS shape, and when a combined diagram is asked for, practise placing LRAS relative to a GIVEN short-run equilibrium rather than drawing it on its own.
- axis-labels-must-be-macro-not-micro
- Confirmed in two separate examiner reports on this diagram type: axis labels reading 'price' or 'price of oil' instead of 'price level' lost marks, and so did "micro labelling for the axis" more generally. This is a macroeconomic diagram — the y-axis names the whole economy's price level, not one good's price, and the x-axis names real output (real GDP), not the quantity of one product.
- no-marks-for-prose-on-a-draw-question
- Confirmed independently across at least three series and two different diagram questions on this paper — not the same diagram tested twice: on Q10, "Many candidates also offered written explanations for this question, these are not required for 'draw' questions" (repeated in near-identical wording in both the October 2019 and January 2020 examiner reports), and separately, on a different SRAS/LRAS diagram question, Q8, "No further marks for additional text, which some candidates have included to support their diagram" (October 2022). Two different questions, the same rule every time: if a question's command word is 'draw', every available mark is already in the diagram itself — writing a paragraph next to it costs time and earns nothing extra.
- tax-appears-on-both-lists
- 'Tax' is a named SRAS influence (2.3.3.2a) AND a named LRAS influence (2.3.3.3b) — genuinely, not a typo — through two completely different mechanisms. A tax on THIS PERIOD'S production (a specific duty on an input, say) raises unit cost immediately and shifts SRAS. A tax POLICY change aimed at investment incentives (a corporation-tax cut meant to encourage capital spending, for instance) works by changing the economy's future productive capacity, and shifts LRAS only once that investment materialises. Naming 'tax' as an influence without saying which channel is in play doesn't distinguish the two curves at all.
- migration-effect-must-be-linked-to-a-stated-lras-shift
- Confirmed directly on a real 4-mark question asking candidates to explain one possible effect of a change in net migration on LRAS: "A number of students did not fully address the question and offered impacts of net migration that did not link to a change in the LRAS curve" (January 2020 ER, Q7). A correct, real-world effect of migration — on unemployment, wages, tax revenue, whatever — earns nothing here on its own; the analysis marks are only available once the answer closes the loop and states explicitly what happens to the LRAS curve itself (which direction it shifts, and why), the same discipline this lesson's own conditional-judgement drills above are built to enforce.
- no-named-country-caps-the-essay
- A general WEC12 essay rule, not specific to AS but directly relevant whenever this topic is examined at length: "NB Award a maximum of level 3 if no reference to a specific country" is printed directly in the mark scheme. An LRAS essay with strong theory and a correct diagram but zero named real economy is capped below Level 4, regardless of how good the reasoning is otherwise.
Complete it yourself
Complete the chain — deriving which curve a specific tax policy actually shifts
- 01
A government announces a permanent cut to corporation tax, explicitly designed to encourage firms to invest more in new capital equipment over the following several years, with no change announced to any tax on this period's inputs or output.
The conditional move
Complete: "A depreciation of the exchange rate will decrease a country's SRAS only if ___."
Complete: "A rise in net migration will increase a country's LRAS only if ___."
Complete: "A sustained FALL in net migration will decrease a country's LRAS only if ___."
Beyond the spec
The spec asks you to draw two different LRAS shapes without explaining why economists genuinely, historically disagreed about which one is right — treating it as a menu of accepted diagrams rather than a real intellectual dispute with a documented origin. Knowing the origin is what lets you defend your choice of shape under a question that pushes back on it, rather than just reproducing whichever one you were shown first.
The classical assumption behind a vertical LRAS traces back to Jean-Baptiste Say's 'law of markets' (Traité d'économie politique, 1803): the claim, often summarised as 'supply creates its own demand', that the very act of producing goods generates exactly enough income — wages, profit, rent — to purchase that output, so a fully flexible-price economy has no lasting mechanism for getting stuck below full employment. John Maynard Keynes directly challenged this in The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (1936), written in the shadow of mass unemployment that had persisted for years across the industrialised world — a fact the classical model, taken at face value, struggled to explain. Keynes's central empirical claim was that nominal wages are sticky downward: workers resist a nominal pay cut even when an equivalent real-terms cut delivered quietly through inflation would be accepted without the same resistance. If wages won't fall to clear a slack labour market, an economy can sit with genuine spare capacity for a sustained period rather than snapping back to potential output quickly — the historical origin of the Keynesian LRAS's flat section, not a modelling convenience invented later to fit a textbook diagram. Worth being precise about what's genuinely Keynes's own argument versus later synthesis: the specific three-part AS curve taught here postdates Keynes himself — it's a later textbook formalisation of his core sticky-wage insight, not a diagram Keynes personally drew — but the mechanism it encodes is his, not a simplification invented independently of the theory it's illustrating.
Where this goes next: the same cost-side/capacity-side question, asked of AD-AS equilibrium and of growth itself
Every mechanism this lesson has derived reduces to one question, asked of any policy or event: does it change what today's inputs cost, or does it change what the economy is capable of producing at all? The three SRAS influences (raw-material and energy costs, the exchange rate, the tax rate on production) all answer 'cost' — they raise or lower unit cost at an unchanged capacity, which is why they shift a curve that itself represents what firms currently choose to supply at today's cost structure, not a ceiling. The six LRAS influences answer 'capacity' — none of them touch what a firm's inputs cost today; they change the labour, capital, technology, or competitive discipline available to the whole economy, which is why they shift a curve that represents a ceiling rather than a choice. The tax-rate/tax-policy trap named above is the clearest single test of whether that distinction has actually been understood, precisely because the same word ('tax') sits on both lists for two unrelated reasons — a mark scheme rewards naming which channel is in play, not just naming that a tax changed.
None of this happens in isolation from AD. The equilibrium price level and output an economy actually settles at is wherever AD meets AS — SRAS in the short run, LRAS once wages have fully adjusted — which is exactly why a rise in real GDP can come from two genuinely different sources that look identical on a single year's growth figure: AD rising against an unchanged LRAS (using capacity the economy already had), or LRAS itself shifting outward (growing that capacity). The dedicated Growth Theory and Output Gaps lesson builds directly on every mechanism derived here to formalise that distinction as versus growth — the same cost-side/capacity-side question this lesson has been asking of SRAS and LRAS individually, now asked of a rise in output itself.
Retrieval — with feedback on every choice
A government cuts the specific duty (a per-unit tax) on imported industrial energy, effective immediately for this year's production. Separately, in an unrelated policy, it announces a permanent cut to corporation tax specifically to encourage long-term capital investment. Which curve does each most directly shift?
A firm's average unit production cost is £50, of which £20 is imported raw materials priced in US dollars and the rest is domestic cost. The firm's domestic currency then depreciates by 15% against the US dollar, with no change in the dollar price of the materials themselves and no change in any domestic cost.
What is the firm's new unit cost? (VERIDIAN-original calculation, testing the same SRAS cost channel confirmed as real exam context — oil/energy and exchange-rate stems — not a reproduction of any specific past question.)
A country experiences a sustained rise in net migration of working-age adults who join the labour force. Assuming no other changes, what is the most likely effect?
Nigeria's currency depreciated sharply against the US dollar in 2023. Separately, and unrelated to the currency move, the Nigerian government began a five-year programme investing in technical and vocational education across the country.
Explain, using the aggregate supply model, why these two events are likely to affect Nigeria's SRAS and LRAS differently.
Same question, every level
Evaluate the extent to which an increase in a country's long-run aggregate supply (LRAS) is always desirable. Refer to a country of your choice in your answer. (VERIDIAN-original question, written in the style confirmed across multiple WEC12 series — not a reproduction of any single past paper question.)
20 marks available
LRAS is how much an economy can produce in the long run. If it increases, the economy can make more goods and services, which is good for everyone.
Purely descriptive — no named influence, no mechanism, no diagram, no named country. 'Good for everyone' is asserted, not derived. This essay also carries a separate 8-mark Evaluation band on top of its 12-mark KAA band (WEC12-verified-facts.md line 78) — an unsupported assertion like this one contains no condition to credit there either.
- AS = output supplied at a price level. Movement = price change only; shift = cost or capacity change.
- SRAS: upward sloping (sticky wages). Shifts: raw-material/energy costs, exchange rate, tax RATE on production.
- LRAS: classical = vertical at potential output. Keynesian = flat (spare capacity) → upward → vertical, same point.
- LRAS shifts from: technology, productivity, education/skills, regulation/tax POLICY, net migration, competition policy.
- Tax sits on both lists: a production tax RATE shifts SRAS; an investment-incentive tax POLICY shifts LRAS.
- Diagram: y-axis 'Price level', x-axis 'Real output'. Draw only the curve asked for; no marks for prose.
Not affiliated with or endorsed by Pearson Edexcel. Every quotation and figure attributed to a mark scheme or examiner report in this lesson was independently verified against the primary Pearson document, not carried over from prior course material.
A government cuts the specific duty (a per-unit tax) on imported industrial energy, effective immediately for this year's production. Separately, in an unrelated policy, it announces a permanent cut to corporation tax specifically to encourage long-term capital investment. Which curve does each most directly shift?
- The energy duty cut shifts SRAS; the corporation tax cut shifts LRAS
Correct. The energy duty cut lowers this year's unit production cost directly — SRAS's own 'tax rates' influence. The corporation-tax cut works by changing investment incentives, raising future productive capacity — LRAS's 'tax' influence — not by changing this year's per-unit cost at all.
- BBoth shift SRAS, since both are tax cuts
This conflates the two very different tax-mechanism channels — an immediate per-unit cost change and a long-run investment incentive — just because both happen to be called 'tax'.
- CBoth shift LRAS, since tax changes are a capacity policy
This ignores the SRAS-specific 'tax rates' influence the spec names explicitly for costs affecting current production — not every tax change works through the capacity channel.
- DNeither shifts AS at all — tax changes only affect government spending (G) in the AD model
This ignores AS's own explicitly listed tax influences on both the SRAS and LRAS side entirely.
Traps tested: Conflates sras and lras tax channel · Ignores as side tax channel
A firm's average unit production cost is £50, of which £20 is imported raw materials priced in US dollars and the rest is domestic cost. The firm's domestic currency then depreciates by 15% against the US dollar, with no change in the dollar price of the materials themselves and no change in any domestic cost.
What is the firm's new unit cost? (VERIDIAN-original calculation, testing the same SRAS cost channel confirmed as real exam context — oil/energy and exchange-rate stems — not a reproduction of any specific past question.)
- A£57.50
This applies the 15% depreciation to the WHOLE £50 unit cost, not just the £20 imported portion — the domestic £30 of cost is unaffected by an exchange-rate move.
- £53.00
Correct. The imported £20 rises to £20 × 1.15 = £23 (the domestic £30 is unaffected). New unit cost = £30 + £23 = £53.00.
- C£65.00
This treats '15%' as a flat £15 addition to the imported cost (£20+£15=£35, +£30 domestic = £65) rather than a 15% proportional rise — check the arithmetic, not the direction.
- D£50.00
This assumes the depreciation has no cost effect at all because 'the dollar price didn't change' — but the cost that matters to a domestic firm is the DOMESTIC-currency cost of the same dollar price, which does rise.
Traps tested: Applied shock to whole cost not just imported share · Treated percentage as flat currency amount · Ignores currency conversion effect
A country experiences a sustained rise in net migration of working-age adults who join the labour force. Assuming no other changes, what is the most likely effect?
- ASRAS shifts right, because more workers immediately lowers the wage rate firms pay this year
The spec categorises demography and net migration as an LRAS influence specifically — a change to the economy's labour-force capacity, not a same-period cost shock to existing production.
- BAD shifts right only, because higher population raises consumption, with no effect on supply at all
This captures only the incidental demand-side channel (more consumers) and ignores that the migrants specifically join the LABOUR FORCE — a supply-side, capacity effect the stimulus states directly.
- CThere is no effect on AS at all, since migration is purely a demand-side phenomenon
This contradicts the spec's own explicit listing of demography/net migration as a named LRAS influence.
- LRAS shifts right, because the labour force — a factor of production — has grown, raising the economy's productive capacity
Correct. Working-age migrants joining the labour force is a direct increase in the labour input available to the whole economy — exactly the capacity effect that shifts LRAS, not SRAS or AD alone.
Traps tested: Confuses sras and lras channel · Ignores capacity effect · Wrong concept entirely
Nigeria's currency depreciated sharply against the US dollar in 2023. Separately, and unrelated to the currency move, the Nigerian government began a five-year programme investing in technical and vocational education across the country.
Explain, using the aggregate supply model, why these two events are likely to affect Nigeria's SRAS and LRAS differently.
- ABoth events shift LRAS right, since higher costs and higher skills both eventually raise what the economy is able to produce
This treats the depreciation as a capacity change — it isn't. Higher import costs from a weaker currency don't raise what the economy is CAPABLE of producing; they raise what it currently costs to produce the same amount.
- BBoth events shift SRAS left, since both raise costs to the economy in different ways
This misreads the education programme as a current cost burden. Spending on education doesn't raise this year's unit production cost for existing firms — it raises the workforce's future skill level, a capacity change, not a cost shock.
- The depreciation raises the cost of imported inputs priced in dollars, shifting SRAS left within the current period; the education programme raises future workforce skill — the economy's actual capacity — shifting LRAS right only once it has had time to take effect
Correct, and this is the fully-integrated version: it names the mechanism for each event separately (cost-side vs capacity-side), assigns each to the correct curve, and gets the timing right (SRAS moves now, LRAS moves only once the investment materialises).
- DNeither event affects AS — the depreciation only affects AD via net trade, and education spending only affects AD via government spending
This captures only each event's incidental demand-side channel and ignores the supply-side cost channel of a depreciation (SRAS) and the supply-side capacity channel of education spending (LRAS) entirely.
Traps tested: Confuses cost change with capacity change · Confuses capacity change with cost change · Ignores supply side channel entirely
Practice this for real
This site teaches the mechanism; the exam is sat on Pearson's own real questions. Go find and attempt these yourself — nothing here substitutes for actually sitting a timed paper.
- Examiner report
- October 2020 · Q10 — cited directly in this lesson
Select International Advanced Level → Economics → any series, then look for WEC12.
Up next
National Income and the Multiplier
National income doesn't just rise by the size of a government's spending increase — it rises by more, because that spending becomes someone else's income, who spends part of it again. The multiplier is that mechanism made precise, and this lesson derives it from scratch rather than handing you a formula to memorise and hope you invert correctly under pressure.
45 min